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The Meaning of the Fourth of July for the Negro
Abridged*
Frederick Douglass
July 5, 1852
1
Mr. President, Friends
and Fellow Citizens:
The task before
me is one which requires much previous thought and study for its proper performance.
I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more shrinkingly, nor with
greater distrust of my ability, than
I do this day. The papers and placards say, that I am to deliver a 4th [of] July oration.
The fact is, ladies and gentlemen, the distance between
this platform and the slave plantation, from which I escaped, is
considerable—and the difficulties to be overcome in getting from the latter to
the former, are by no means slight.
That I am here to-day is, to me, a matter of astonishment as
well as of gratitude.
2
This, for the purpose of this celebration, is the 4th
of July. It is the birthday of your
National Independence, and of your political freedom. This, to you, is what the
Passover was to the emancipated people of God. It carries your minds back to
the day, and to the act of your great deliverance. This celebration also marks
the beginning of another year of your national life; and reminds you that the
Republic of America is now 76 years old. I am glad, fellow-citizens, that your
nation is so young. You are, even now, only in the beginning of your national
career, still lingering
in the period of childhood. I repeat,
I am glad this is so. There is hope
in the thought, and hope is much needed, under the dark clouds which lower
above the horizon.
3
Fellow-citizens, 76 years ago, the people of this country
were British subjects. The style and title of your ‘sovereign people’ (in which you
now glory) was not then born. You were under the British Crown. Your fathers
esteemed the English Government as the home government. England as the
fatherland, although a considerable distance
from your home, impose, in the exercise
of its parental prerogatives, upon its colonial children, such
restraints, burdens and limitations, as, in its mature judgment, it deemed
wise, right and proper.
4
But your fathers, who had not adopted the idea of the
infallibility of government, and the absolute character of its acts, presumed to differ from the home government in respect to the wisdom and the justice of some of those burdens and
restraints. They went so far as to
pronounce the measures of government unjust, unreasonable, and oppressive, and
altogether such as ought not to be quietly
* Abridged
to 5,370 words by Pleun Bouricius, Assistant Director, Mass Humanities, based on an edit
done by Janet Gillespie, Director
of Programming, Community
Change. To facilitate reading, portions have
been removed without ellipses. The complete text: http://masshumanities.org/files/programs/douglass/speech_complete.pdf
submitted to. I
scarcely need say, fellow-citizens, that my opinion of those measures fully
accords with that of your fathers. Feeling themselves
harshly and unjustly treated by the home government, your fathers, like men of honesty, and men
of spirit, earnestly sought redress.
They petitioned and remonstrated; they did so in a decorous, respectful, and loyal manner This, however,
did not answer the purpose. They saw themselves treated with sovereign indifference, coldness and scorn. Yet they
persevered.
5
Oppression makes a wise man mad. Your fathers became
restive under this treatment. They felt themselves the victims of grievous
wrongs, wholly incurable in their
colonial capacity. With brave men there is always a remedy for oppression. Just here, the idea of a total
separation of the colonies
from the crown was born! It was a startling idea, much more so, than we, at
this distance of time, regard it. The timid and the prudent of that day, were,
of course, shocked and alarmed by it.
Their opposition to the then-dangerous thought was earnest and powerful; but,
amid all their terror and affrighted vociferations against it, the alarming and
revolutionary idea moved on, and the country with it.
6
On the 2d of July, 1776, the old Continental Congress,
to the dismay of the lovers of ease,
and the worshipers of property,
clothed that dreadful
idea with all the authority
of national sanction.
They did so in the form of a
resolution. We seldom hit upon resolutions, drawn up in our day, whose
transparency is at all equal it: ‘Resolved, That these united
colonies are, and of right,
ought to be free
and Independent States; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the
British Crown.’
7
Citizens, your fathers
made good that resolution. They succeeded; and to-day you reap the fruits of their success. The freedom gained is
yours; and you, therefore, may properly celebrate this anniversary. The 4th of July is the first great fact in your nation’s history
- the very ring-bolt in the
chain of your yet undeveloped destiny.
8
Pride and patriotism, not less than gratitude, prompt
you to celebrate and to hold it in perpetual remembrance. I have said that the
Declaration of Independence is the ring-bolt to the chain of your nation’s
destiny; so, indeed, I regard it. The principles contained in that instrument
are saving principles. Stand by those principles, be true to them on all
occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost.
9
Fellow Citizens, I am not wanting in respect for the
fathers of this republic. The signers of the Declaration of Independence were brave men. I cannot
contemplate their great
deeds with less than
admiration. They were statesmen, patriots
and heroes, and for the good they did, and the principles they contended for, I will
unite with you to honor their memory.
10 They loved their country better than their own private interests; and all will concede that
it is a rare virtue, that ought to command
respect. He who will, intelligently, lay down his life for his country,
is a man whom it is not in human nature to despise. Your fathers staked
their lives, their fortunes, and their sacred honor, on the cause of their
country. In their admiration of liberty, they
lost sight of all other interests.
11
They were
peace men; but they preferred
revolution to peaceful submission to bondage. They were quiet men; but they did
not shrink from agitating against
oppression. They showed forbearance;
but they knew its limits. They believed in order; but not in the order of tyranny.
With them, nothing
was ‘settled’ that was not right. With them, justice, liberty and
humanity were final; not slavery and oppression. You may well cherish the memory of
such men. They were great in their
day and generation. Their solid
manhood stands out the more as we contrast it with these degenerate times.
12 How circumspect, exact and proportionate were all their movements! How unlike the politicians of an
hour! Their statesmanship looked beyond
the passing moment,
and stretched away in strength
into the distant future. Mark
them! Fully appreciating the hardship to be encountered, firmly believing in
the right of their cause , wisely measuring
the terrible odds against them, your fathers, the fathers of this republic,
laid the corner-stone of the national superstructure, which has risen and still
rises in grandeur around you.
13 Of this fundamental work, this day is the anniversary.
Our eyes are met with demonstrations of joyous enthusiasm. The causes
which led to the separation of the colonies from the British crown have never
lacked for a tongue. They have all
been taught in your common schools, narrated at your firesides, un folded from your pulpits,
and thundered from your legislative halls, and are as familiar
to you as household words. They form
the staple of your national poetry and
eloquence. I leave, therefore, the great deeds of your fathers to other[s].
14
MY business,
if I have any here to-day, is with
the present. The accepted time with God and his cause is the ever-living now. We have to do with the past only as we can make it useful to the present and to
the future. Now is the time, the important time. Your fathers have lived, died,
and have done their work, and have done much of it well. You live and must die,
and you must do your work. You have no right to enjoy a child’s share in the labor of your fathers, unless your
children are to be blest by your labors. You have no right to wear out and
waste the hard-earned fame of your fathers to cover your indolence.
<<slight pause>>
15 Fellow-citizens, pardon
me, allow me to ask, why am I called
upon to speak
here to-day? What have
I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Are the great
principles of political freedom and of natural justice, embodied in that
Declaration of Independence, extended to us? and am I, therefore, called upon
to bring our humble offering to the national altar, and to confess the benefits
and express devout gratitude for the blessings resulting from your independence
to us?
16 Would to God, both for your sakes and ours, that an affirmative answer could be truthfully returned
to these questions! Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and
delightful. But, such is not
the state of the case. I say it with a sad sense of the disparity between
us. I am not included
within the pale of this
glorious anniversary! Your high independence only reveals the immeasurable
distance between us.
17 The
blessings in which you, this day, rejoice, are not enjoyed in common. The rich
inheritance of justice, liberty, prosperity and independence, bequeathed by your fathers,
is shared by you, not by me. The sunlight that brought life and
healing to you, has brought stripes and death to me. This Fourth [of] July is yours,
not mine. You may rejoice, I must mourn. To drag a man in
fetters into the grand illuminated temple of liberty, and call upon him to join
you in joyous anthems, were inhuman mockery and
sacrilegious irony. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak to-day?
18 Fellow-citizens;
above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions!
whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are, to-day, rendered
more intolerable by the jubilee
shouts that reach them.
To forget them,
to pass lightly
over their wrongs,
and to chime in with the popular
theme, would be treason most scandalous and shocking, and would make me
a reproach before God and the world.
19
My subject, then fellow-citizens, is American slavery. I shall see this day from the slave’s point of view. Standing,
here, identified with the American bondman, making his wrongs mine, I do not
hesitate to declare, with all my soul,
that the character and conduct of this nation
never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July!
Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. America is false
to the past, false to the present, and solemnly binds herself to be false to
the future.
20 Standing
with God and the crushed and bleeding slave on this occasion, I will, in the
name of humanity which is outraged, in the name of liberty
which is fettered, in the name of the constitution
and the Bible, which are disregarded and trampled upon, dare to call in
question and to denounce, with all the emphasis I can command,
everything that serves
to perpetuate slavery-the great sin and shame of America! "I will not equivocate; I will not excuse;" I will use the severest language I can
command; and yet not one word shall escape
me that any man, whose
judgment is not blinded by prejudice, or who is not at heart a
slaveholder, shall not confess to be right and just.
21 I fancy
I hear some one of my audience say, it is just in this
circumstance that you and your brother abolitionists fail to make a favorable
impression on the public mind. Would you argue more, and denounce less, would you persuade more, and rebuke
less, your cause
would be much more likely
to succeed. But, I submit, where
all is plain there is nothing to be argued.
What point in the anti-slavery
creed would you have me argue? On what branch of the subject do the people of
this country need light?
22 Must I undertake to prove that the slave
is a man? The slaveholders themselves acknowledge it in the
enactment of laws for their government. They
acknowledge it when they punish
disobedience on the part of the slave. There are seventy-two crimes in the
State of Virginia, which, if committed by a
black man, subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a
white man to the like punishment. What is
this but the acknowledgement that the slave is a moral, intellectual and
responsible being?
23 Southern
statute books are covered with enactments forbidding, under severe fines and
penalties, the teaching of the slave to read or to write. When you can point to
any such laws, in reference to the
beasts of the field, then I may consent to argue the manhood of the slave.
When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on
your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall
be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute,
then will I argue with you that
the slave is a man!
24
Is it not astonishing that,
while we are ploughing, planting
and reaping, using all kinds
of mechanical tools, erecting
houses, constructing bridges, building ships, working in metals of brass, iron,
copper, silver and gold; that, while we are reading, writing and cyphering,
acting as clerks, merchants and secretaries,
having among us lawyers, doctors,
ministers, poets, authors,
editors, orators and teachers;
that, while we are engaged in all manner of enterprises common to other men,
digging gold in California, capturing the whale in the Pacific, feeding sheep
and cattle on the hill-side, living, moving,
acting, thinking, planning,
living in families
as husbands, wives and children,
and, above all, confessing and worshipping the
Christian’s God, and looking hopefully for life and immortality beyond the
grave, we are called upon to prove that we are men!
25 Would you
have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? That he is the rightful owner of
his own body? You have already declared
it. Must I argue the wrongfulness of slavery? Is it to be settled
by the rules of logic and argumentation, as a matter beset with great
difficulty, involving a doubtful application of the principle of justice, hard
to be understood? How should I look to-day, in the presence of Americans, to
show that men have a natural right to freedom? To do so, would be to
make myself ridiculous, and to offer an insult to your understanding. There is not a man beneath the canopy of heaven, that does not know
that slavery is wrong for him.
26 What?, am I to argue that it is wrong to make men brutes, to rob them of
their liberty, to work them without wages, to keep them ignorant of their relations
to their fellow
men, to beat them with sticks,
to flay their flesh with the lash, to load their limbs with irons, to hunt them with dogs, to sell them at
auction, to sunder their families, to knock out their teeth, to burn their
flesh, to starve them into obedience and
submission to their masters? Must I argue that a system thus marked with blood, and stained with pollution, is wrong? No!
I will not. I have better employments for my time and strength than such arguments would imply.
27 What, then,
remains to be argued?
Is it that slavery is not divine;
that God did not establish it; that our doctors of divinity are mistaken?
There is blasphemy in the thought. That which is inhuman, cannot be divine! Who
can reason on such a proposition? I cannot. The time for such argument is past.
28
At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing
argument, is needed. O! had I the ability, and could I reach the nation’s ear,
I would, to-day, pour out a fiery stream of biting ridicule, blasting
reproach, withering sarcasm, and stern rebuke. For it is not light that is
needed, but fire; it is not the gentle shower, but thunder. We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The feeling of the
nation must be quickened; the conscience of the nation must be roused; the
propriety of the nation must be startled; the hypocrisy of the nation must be exposed; and its crimes against God and
man must be proclaimed and denounced.
29 What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? I answer: a
day that reveals to him, more than
all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim.
To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy
license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass
fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your
sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and
hypocrisy - a thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of
savages.
30 There is
not a nation on the earth guilty of
practices, more shocking and bloody, than are the people of these United States,
at this very hour. Go where you may, search
where you will,
roam through all the monarchies and despotisms of the
old world, search out every abuse, and when you have found the last,
lay your facts by the side of the everyday practices
of this nation, and you will say with
me, that, for revolting barbarity and shameless hypocrisy, America reigns
without a rival.
<<slight pause>>
31 Take the American slave-trade, which we are told by the papers,
is especially prosperous just now, as the price of men was never higher; and
[which is] carried on in all the large towns and cities in one- half of this
confederacy. This trade is one of the peculiarities of American institutions. In several states, this trade is a chief
source of wealth. It is called "the internal slave trade," in order
to divert from it the horror with which the foreign slave-trade is
contemplated.
32 [The
foreign slave] trade has long since been denounced by this government, as piracy, as an execrable traffic. To arrest
it, this nation keeps a squadron, at immense cost, on the coast of Africa.
Everywhere, in this country, it is safe to speak of this foreign slave-trade, as a most inhuman traffic, opposed alike to the laws of God
and of man. It is, however, a notable fact that, while so much execration is
poured out by Americans upon those engaged in the foreign slave-trade, the men engaged in the slave-trade between
the states pass without condemnation, and their business is deemed honorable.
33 Behold the
practical operation of this internal slave-trade,
the American slave-trade, sustained
by American politics and American religion. Here you will see men and women reared like swine for the
market. You know what is a swine-drover? I will show you a man-drover. They inhabit all our Southern States.
They perambulate the country, and crowd the highways of the nation,
with droves of human stock. You will see one of these
human flesh-jobbers, armed with pistol, whip and bowie- knife, driving a
company of a hundred men, women, and children, from the Potomac to the slave
market at New Orleans. These wretched people are to be sold singly, or in lots,
to suit purchasers. They are food for the cotton-field, and the deadly
sugar-mill.
34 Mark the
sad procession, as it moves wearily along,
and the inhuman wretch who drives them. Hear his savage yells and his
blood-chilling oaths, as he hurries on his affrighted captives! There, see the
old man, with locks thinned
and gray. Cast one glance,
if you please, upon that young mother,
whose shoulders are bare to the scorching sun, her briny tears falling on the brow of the babe in
her arms. See, too, that girl of thirteen, weeping, yes! weeping, as she thinks
of the mother from whom she has been
torn! The drove moves tardily. Heat and sorrow have nearly consumed their strength; suddenly you hear
a quick snap, like the discharge of a rifle; the fetters clank, and the chain
rattles simultaneously; your ears are saluted with a scream, that seems to have
torn its way to the center of your soul! The crack you heard,
was the sound
of the slave-whip; the scream
you heard, was from the woman you saw with the babe. Her
speed had faltered under the weight of her child and her chains! that gash on
her shoulder tells her to move on.
35 Follow this
drove to New Orleans. Attend the auction; see men examined like horses; see the
forms of women rudely
and brutally exposed
to the shocking gaze of American slave-buyers. See this drove sold and separated forever; and
never forget the deep, sad sobs that arose from that scattered
multitude. Tell me citizens,
WHERE, under the sun, you can witness
a spectacle more fiendish and shocking. Yet this is but a glance at
the American slave-trade, as it exists, at this moment, in the ruling part of
the United States.
36 I was born amid such sights and scenes. To me, the
American slave-trade is a terrible reality. The flesh-mongers gather up their
victims by dozens, and drive them, chained, to the general depot at Baltimore.
When a sufficient number has been collected here, a ship is chartered for the
purpose of conveying the forlorn crew
to Mobile, or to New Orleans. From
the slave prison to the ship, they are usually driven in the darkness of night. In the deep, still
darkness of midnight, I have been often aroused by the dead, heavy footsteps, and the piteous
cries of the chained gangs that passed our door.
37 Fellow-citizens,
this murderous traffic is, to-day, in active operation in this boasted
republic. In the solitude of my spirit,
I see clouds of dust raised on the highways of the South; I see the bleeding
footsteps; I hear the doleful wail of fettered humanity, on the way to the slave-markets, where the victims are to be sold like horses, sheep,
and swine, knocked
off to the highest bidder.
There I see the
tenderest ties ruthlessly broken, to
gratify the lust, caprice and
rapacity of the buyers and sellers
of men. My soul sickens at the sight.
<<slight pause>>
38
But a still more inhuman, disgraceful, and scandalous
state of things remains to be presented. By
an act of the American Congress,
not yet two years old, slavery has been nationalized in its most horrible
and revolting form; Mason & Dixon’s line has been obliterated; New York has
become as Virginia; and the power to hold, hunt, and sell men, women, and
children as slaves remains no longer a mere state institution, but is now an
institution of the whole United States.
39
The power is co-extensive with the Star-Spangled Banner and American
Christianity. Where these
go, may also go the merciless
slave-hunter. Where these are, man is not sacred. He is a bird for the
sportsman’s gun. By that most foul
and fiendish of all human decrees, the liberty
and person of every man are put in peril. Your broad republican domain
is hunting ground for men.
40
Your lawmakers have commanded all good citizens to
engage in this hellish sport. Your President, your Secretary of State enforce, as a duty you owe to your free and glorious country,
and to your God, that you do this accursed thing. Not fewer than forty Americans have, within the past two years, been hunted down and, without
a moment’s warning,
hurried away in chains, and consigned to slavery and excruciating torture. Some of these have had wives and children, dependent on them for bread;
but of this, no account was made. The right of the hunter to his prey stands superior to the right of marriage, and to all rights in this
republic, the rights of God included!
41 For black men there is neither law nor justice, humanity nor religion. The Fugitive Slave Law makes MERCY TO THEM, A
CRIME; and bribes the judge who tries them. An American JUDGE GETS TEN DOLLARS
FOR EVERY VICTIM
HE CONSIGNS to slavery, and five, when he fails to do so.
The oath of any two villains is sufficient, under
this hell-black enactment, to send the most pious
and exemplary black man into
the remorseless jaws of slavery! His own testimony is nothing. He can bring no
witnesses for himself. The minister of American justice is bound by the law to hear but one side; and that
side, is the side of the oppressor.
42
Let this damning
fact be perpetually told. Let it be thundered around
the world, that,
in tyrant-killing,
king-hating, people-loving, democratic, Christian America, the seats of justice are filled with judges,
who hold their offices under an open and palpable bribe, and are bound, in
deciding in the case of a man’s liberty, to hear only his accusers!
43 In glaring violation of justice, in shameless
disregard of the forms of
administering law, in cunning
arrangement to entrap
the defenseless, and in diabolical intent, this Fugitive
Slave Law stands
alone in the annals of tyrannical legislation.
<<slight pause>>
44 Americans!
Your republican politics, not less than your republican religion, are
flagrantly inconsistent. You boast of your love of liberty, your superior civilization, and your pure Christianity,
while the whole political power of the nation is solemnly pledged to support
and perpetuate the enslavement of three millions of your countrymen. You hurl
your anathemas at the crowned headed tyrants of Russia and Austria, and pride
yourselves on your Democratic institutions, while you yourselves consent to be
the mere tools and bodyguards of the tyrants of Virginia and Carolina.
45 You invite to your shores fugitives of oppression from abroad, honor them with banquets, greet them with
ovations, cheer them, toast them, salute them, protect them, and pour out your
money to them like water; but the
fugitives from your own land you advertise, hunt, arrest, shoot and kill. You
glory in your refinement and your universal education; yet you maintain
a system as barbarous and dreadful
as ever stained the character of a nation-a system begun in avarice, supported
in pride, and perpetuated in cruelty.
46 You shed
tears over fallen Hungary, and make the sad story of her wrongs the theme of your poets, statesmen, and orators, till your gallant
sons are ready
to fly to arms to vindicate her cause against
the oppressor; but, in regard to the ten thousand wrongs of the American
slave, you would enforce the strictest silence, and would hail him as an enemy of the nation who dares to make those
wrongs the
subject of public discourse! You are all on fire at the mention of liberty for France or for Ireland;
but are as cold as an iceberg at the thought of liberty for the enslaved
of America.
47
You discourse eloquently on the dignity
of labor; yet, you sustain
a system which,
in its very essence, casts
a stigma upon labor. You can bare your bosom to the storm of British artillery to throw off a threepenny tax on tea; and yet wring the last hard-earned farthing from the grasp of the black laborers
of your country. You profess to believe ‘that,
of one blood, God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of all the earth,
and hath commanded all men, everywhere to
love one another’; yet you notoriously hate,
(and glory in your hatred), all men
whose skins are not colored like your own.
48
You declare, before
the world, and are understood by the world to declare,
that you ‘hold these truths
to be self evident, that all men are created equal; and are endowed by their
Creator with certain inalienable rights; and that, among
these are, life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness’; and yet, you hold securely, in a bondage which,
according to your own Thomas Jefferson, "is worse than ages of that which your fathers
rose in rebellion to oppose," a seventh part of the inhabitants of your country.
49 Fellow-citizens!
I will not enlarge further on your
national inconsistencies. The existence of slavery in this country brands your republicanism as a sham, your
humanity as a base pretence, and
your Christianity as a lie. It destroys your moral power
abroad; it corrupts
your politicians at home. It saps
the foundation of religion; it makes your name a hissing, and a by word to a mocking earth.
50
It is the antagonistic force in your government, the only thing that seriously disturbs and endangers your Union. It fetters
your progress; it is the enemy of improvement; the deadly foe of education; it fosters pride; it breeds insolence; it promotes vice; it
shelters crime; it is a curse to the earth that supports it; and yet you cling
to it as if it were the sheet anchor of all your hopes. Be warned! a horrible
reptile is coiled up in your nation’s bosom; the venomous creature is nursing at the tender breast of your youthful republic; for the love of
God, tear away, and fling from you the hideous monster, and let the weight of
twenty millions crush and destroy it forever!
51 But it is answered
in reply to all this,
that precisely what I have now denounced is, in fact,
guaranteed and sanctioned by the
Constitution of the United States; that, the right to hold, and to hunt slaves
is a part of that Constitution framed by the
illustrious Fathers of this Republic. Then, I dare to affirm, notwithstanding
all I have said before, your fathers, instead of being the honest men I have
before declared them to be, were the veriest
impostors that ever practiced on mankind. This is the inevitable
conclusion, and from it there is no escape.
But I differ
from those who charge this baseness on the framers of the Constitution of the
United States. It is a slander
upon their memory,
at least, so I believe.
[And others] have, as I think, fully
and clearly vindicated the Constitution from any design to support
slavery for an hour.
<<slight pause>>
52 Allow me to say, in conclusion, notwithstanding the dark picture I have this day presented of the state of the nation, I do not despair of
this country. There are forces in operation, which must inevitably work the downfall
of slavery. I, therefore, leave off where I began, with hope. While drawing
encouragement from the Declaration of Independence, the great principles it
contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age.
Nations do not now stand in the same relation to each other that they did ages ago. No nation can now shut
itself up from the surrounding world, and trot round in the same old path of
its fathers without interference.
53 The time
was when such could be done. But a change has now come over the affairs of
mankind. Walled cities and empires have become unfashionable. The arm of
commerce has borne away the gates of the
strong city. Intelligence is penetrating the darkest corners of the
globe Wind, steam, and lightning are its chartered agents.
Oceans no longer divide, but link nations
together. From Boston to
London is now a holiday excursion.
Space is comparatively annihilated.
Thoughts expressed on one side of the Atlantic are, distinctly heard on the
other. In the fervent aspirations of William Lloyd Garrison, I say, and let
every heart join in saying it:
All God speed the day when human blood Shall cease to flow!
In every clime be understood,
The claims of human brotherhood, And each return for evil,
good, Not blow for blow;
That day will come all feuds to end,
And change into a faithful friend Each foe.
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